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• 1 2025-08-07T09:09:30-04:00 "Jaago Adivasi Jaago" (Essay Collection, 2008): Book Overview 29 A brief overview of the book "Jaago Adivasi Jaago" an essay collection edited by Kerubim Tirkey and Salkhan Murmu plain 2025-08-11T16:08:11-04:00

  जागो आदिवासी जागो  संपादक डॉ. केरूबिम तिर्की, सालखन मुर्मू
  Jaago Adivasi Jaago edited by Dr. Kerubim Tirkey and Salkhan Murmu

  Published in 2008 by Tarang Bharti, Ranchi.
  
  Jaago Adivasi Jaago, which roughly translates to "Awaken, Adivasi, Awaken", is a collection of essays focused on the importance of political awareness and political action in Adivasi communities. Edited by Dr. Kerubim Tirkey and Salkhan Murmu, this collection features contributions from Bishop Dr. Nirmal Minz, Bishop Vincent Barva, and Pushpa Tete, along with the editors themselves. 
  
  In the introduction of the text, the editors write:

  जागो आदिवासी जागो : आदिवासी अस्तित्व पहचान और हिस्सेदारी की संघर्ष को विजय की मंजिल तक ले जाने का एक प्रयास है। यह... समसामयिक लेखों का एक संग्रह है, जो 15 नवंबर, 2000 को गठित झारखंड प्रदेश के निर्माण के बाद से अब तक घटित प्रमुख घटनाओं और आदिवासी आंदोलनों के परिप्रेक्ष्य में लिखी गई है। हमें आशा है कि लक्ष्मी उरांव और उनका परिवार तथा असम के सभी आदिवासी जो पहचान (एसटी) प्राप्त करने की पीड़ा लंबे समय से झेल रहे हैं, को अब जरूर एक दिशा मिलेगी, साथ ही भारत के अन्य सभी प्रांतों में आदिवासियों को सम्मान के साथ जीने का अधिकार और न्याय प्राप्त हो सकेगा। यह पुस्तक आदिवासियों के बीच दर्द के रिश्ते को आंदोलन मूलक तरीके से एक-दूसरे से जोड़ने का एक गंभीर प्रयास है। हमारी मान्यता है राजनीतिक सूझबूझ पर आधारित वृहद आदिवासी एकता और अनुशासित जनआंदोलन हमें निश्चित अपनी मंजिल तक पहुंचा सकेगा।

  This translates to:

  Jaago Adivasi Jaago is an effort to bring the struggle for Adivasi existence, recognition, and inclusion to victory. It is a collection of contemporary writings... that have been written in the context of the important events and Adivasi movements between the formation of the state of Jharkhand on November 15, 2000 and the present. We hope that Laxmi Oraon and her family, as well as all Adivasis in Assam who have long endured the pain of not being recognized (as Scheduled Tribes), will find direction. We also hope that Adivasis in all other states of India may attain the right to live with dignity and justice. This book is a serious attempt to connect the shared pain among Adivasis through a movement-based approach. We believe that broad Adivasi unity based on political awareness and a disciplined people's movement will surely lead us to our goal.

  The collection is dedicated to Laxmi Oraon, a young woman who was attacked when protesting for Adivasi rights in Assam. (Read a news article about Oraon here; an editorial about the incident here). The dedication reads:

  This book is dedicated to Lakshmi Oraon and her parents, who have shown courage and sacrifice even when they were publicly stripped naked in their struggle to get Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Adivasis of Assam. They have resolved to continue the struggle without bowing down and without selling out.

  The Table of Contents

  This is a translation of the table of contents, which you can also see in its original Hindi on the left (click to enlarge). The titles of the 26 essays capture the explicitly political project of the book. The text can be roughly divided into two parts: the first half dives into the policies, history, and cultural background of the oppression of Adivasi people in India, while the second proposes possible solutions to these issues. 
  
  1. Non-Adivasis Will Not Rule Jharkhand: An Adivasi Jharkhand Must Be Created
  2. Domicile Policy is in the Interest of Adivasi and Indigenous People
  3. Why is the Government Not Afraid of the Adivasi Movement?
  4. PESA Act and the Question of Adivasi Existence
  5. People’s Draft of the National Rehabilitation Policy Presented by Adivasi Adhikar Morcha
  6. Adivasi Manifesto
  7. Why Are Adivasi Issues Not Recognized at the National Level?
  8. Why Do Adivasi Movements Keep Falling Apart Repeatedly?
  9. Will Adivasis Survive in Jharkhand?
  10. Is it Possible to Establish an Adivasi Voice Like Kanshi Ram’s Dalit Voice?
  11. Adivasis: Victims of Political Malnourishment
  12. Adivasi Must Learn from the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh
  13. Adivasi Politicians Are Selling Out Their Own People
  14. Adivasi, Awaken!
  15. Adivasi Politics in Jharkhand
  16. An Independent Communication Platform is Essential for an Ideological Revolution
  17. A Social Movement is Needed for the Development of Adivasi Languages
  18. Why Don’t Adivasis in Jharkhand Become a Strong Vote Bank?
  19. Historical Background of the Fifth Schedule
  20. Politics is the Only Solution
  21. How Long Will Adivasis Continue to Be Killed?
  22. There is a Need for Adivasi-Centered Politics and a Dedicated Political Party
  23. The Assam Incident, Congress, and the Adivasis 
  24. Justice and Rights Can Be Achieved Through Enlightened Struggle
  25. Adivasis Unaware of Politics, Power, and Political Intrusion
  26. Jharkhand is for Sale

  Representative quotes from essays in Jaago Adivasi Jaago

  "Non-Adivasis Will Not Rule Jharkhand: An Adivasi Jharkhand Must Be Created" by Salkhan Murmu
  
  In this essay, Murmu traces the history of the formation of Jharkhand from the perspective of Adivasi representation and access to power. He argues that while the initial push for the creation of Jharkhand was to create a state where Adivasi people formed a majority and could make decisions regarding their own existence, in reality Adivasi populations were drastically slashed through displacement. Not only did factories, mines, and cities get constructed on the land that rightfully should have been protected, an influx of Diku (a Santhal/Ho/Munda term referring to non-Adivasi people: read more here) settlers further edged Adivasis out of political power. Salkhan writes: 

  जब बिहार, बंगाल, उड़ीसा राज्यों का निर्माण हो रहा था तभी आदिवासियों ने भी एक आदिवासी राज्य का सपना देखा था। उस समय यदि झारखण्ड प्रांत का निर्माण हो जाता तो आदिवासी झारखण्ड बन जाता। चूंकि तब आदिवासी बहुसंख्यक थे। लेकिन उस समय आदिवासियों को ठग दिया गया और आज आदिवासियों को अल्पसंख्यक बना कर झारखण्ड प्रदेश का निर्माण किया गया है। अतः देर से झारखण्ड प्रांत के निर्माण के लिये भी हम आदिवासी जिम्मेवार नहीं हैं। हमें भी बिहार, बंगाल, इडीसा के साथ झारखण्ड दे दिया जाता तो हम अपनी संख्या बनाये रखते। बाहरी आबादी की बाढ़ को न आने देते। अतः हमारे हक या आरक्षण के लिये प्रतिशत का फार्मूला तय करने का आधार आज की बिगड़ी और घटायी हुई आदिवासी का प्रतिशत क्यों होगा?

  Translation:

  When the states of Bihar, Bengal, and Odisha were being created, Adivasis too dreamt of an Adivasi state. Had Jharkhand been created then, it would have been an Adivasi Jharkhand, because Adivasis were the majority of the population at that time. But then, the Adivasis were betrayed. Today, Jharkhand has been created by turning Adivasis into a minority. Hence, we are not responsible for the delayed formation of Jharkhand. Had Jharkhand been granted to us along with Bihar, Bengal, and Odisha, we would have retained our demographic strength and prevented the flood of outsiders. So why should today's deliberately reduced Adivasi population be used as the basis for determining our rights or reservations?

  
  "Adivasi Politicians Are Selling Out Their Own People" by Pushpa Tete
  
  In this essay, Tete turns a critical eye towards Adivasi politicians, including Jaipal Singh Munda, Shibu Soren, Arjun Munda, and more. She also looks beyond the individual actions of these politicians towards large-scale policy decisions that actively harm Adivasi existence and culture. Some of the decisions she discusses include making Urdu the second official language of Jharkhand while ignoring Adivasi languages spoken by millions in the state, not taking advantage of legal protections such as the Fifth Schedule to preserve Adivasi land, and the reduction of seats in government councils that are reserved for Adivasis. She writes:

  आदिवासी मुख्यमंत्री के रहते आदिवासी अस्तित्व पर संकट, संस्कृति पर हमला, सामुदायिकता को तोड़ने की कोशिश चलती रही। पलायन,विस्थापन, एमओयू एवं परिसीमन आयोग द्वारा आदिवासी आरक्षित 28 विधानसभा सीटों को घटाकर 22 करने का प्रस्ताव आदिवासी हितों के विपरीत है, यह संविधान के प्रतिकूल है। झारखंड में जितने भी मुख्यमंत्री एवं मंत्री हैं सभी लोक लुभावन बातें करने में बड़े माहिर हैं। अर्जुन मुण्डा मुख्यमंत्रित्व काल में उर्दू एवं बंगला को राजभाषा बनाये जाने की पूरी हिमाकत करने लगे। उर्दू भाषा के विकास के लिए अर्जुन मुंडा सरकार ने करोड़ों का बजट तैयार किया, जबकि आदिवासी भाषाओं के लिए बजट शून्य रहा।

  Translation:

  Even when an Adivasi was Chief Minister, Adivasi existence was in danger, its culture was under attack, and there were attempts to break its community ties. Mass displacement and migrations, MoUs for industrial projects, and the reduction of Adivasi-reserved assembly seats from 28 to 22 by the Delimitation Commission - these are not only against Adivasi interests, but unconstitutional as well. All the Chief Ministers and ministers of Jharkhand are masters of sweet-talking the public. During Arjun Munda’s tenure, he even attempted to make Urdu and Bengali the official state languages. The Arjun Munda government created a budget allotting crores for Urdu development, while the budget for Adivasi languages was zero.